The Interaction of Focus, Givenness, and Prosody: A Study of Italian Clause Structure
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The Interaction of Focus, Givenness, and Prosody: A Study of Italian Clause Structure

By Vieri Samek-Lodovici
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Book Description

This book provides an in-depth investigation of contrastive focalization in Italian, showing that its syntactic expression is systematically affected by the syntactic expression of discourse-givenness. The proposed analysis disentangles the properties genuinely associated with contrastive focalization from those determined by the most productive operations affecting discourse given phrases at the right periphery, namely right dislocation and marginalization. On this basis, it shows that in the default case contrastive focalization occurs in situ and that instances of left-peripheral focalization only arise when focus obligatorily evacuates a larger right-dislocating phrase, giving rise to a distribution of leftward-moved foci that generalizes well beyond the cases examined in Rizzi (1997) and most literature since. In its final chapter, the book examines the syntax–prosody interface, showing how focalization in situ and other key properties follow from the prosodic constraints governing stress placement, thus reinterpreting and extending Zubizarreta’s (1998) analysis of p-movement and the role of prosody in shaping syntax. Overall, this book offers an evidence-backed radical departure from current views of focalization based on a fixed focus projection at the left periphery of the clause. It also provides the most comprehensive study of Italian marginalization and right dislocation available to date.

Table of Contents
  • Cover
  • The Interaction of Focus, Givenness, and Prosody: A Study of Italian Clause Structure
  • Copyright
  • Dedication
  • Contents
  • General preface
  • Acknowledgments
  • List of abbreviations
  • 1: Introduction
    • 1.1 Historic context and related issues
    • 1.2 Main claims
      • 1.2.1 Focalization in situ
      • 1.2.2 Right dislocation determining apparent leftward focus movement
      • 1.2.3 Right dislocation causing focus evacuation
    • 1.3 Deepening the analysis
    • 1.4 Marginalization and right dislocation
    • 1.5 Layout
    • 1.6 A methodological point
  • 2: Marginalization
    • 2.1 Introduction
    • 2.2 Italian basic word order
    • 2.3 In situ marginalization
      • 2.3.1 Evidence from the ordering of negative phrases and NPIs
      • 2.3.2 Evidence from anaphoric and quantifier binding
      • 2.3.3 Evidence from agreement loss in regional Italian
      • 2.3.4 Evidence from past participle preposing
      • 2.3.5 Evidence from the ordering of lower adverbs
    • 2.4 Conclusions
  • 3: Contrastive focus and marginalization
    • 3.1 Introduction
    • 3.2 In-situ vs. left-peripheral focalization of postverbal foci
    • 3.3 In-situ focalization vs. raising to an intermediate focus projection
      • 3.3.1 Postverbal subjects and objects
      • 3.3.2 Experiencer objects and infinitival complements
      • 3.3.3 Postverbal subjects and infinitival complements
      • 3.3.4 Floating quantifiers
      • 3.3.5 Summary
    • 3.4 Rightmost focus
      • 3.4.1 Discourse-given phrases raising above higher foci
      • 3.4.2 The role of focalization
      • 3.4.3 Problems affecting the intermediate focus projection analysis
    • 3.5 Further evidence for in-situ focalization and rightmost focus
      • 3.5.1 Evidence from lower adverbs
      • 3.5.2 Binding relations between postverbal focus and discourse-given phrases
        • 3.5.2.1 Divergent binding relations with the universal quantifier ‘ogni’
    • 3.6 Conclusions
  • 4: Right dislocation
    • 4.1 Introduction
    • 4.2 The structure and properties of right dislocation
      • 4.2.1 Right dislocation without clitic doubling
        • 4.2.1.1 No null object clitics
      • 4.2.2 The representation of right dislocation
        • 4.2.2.1 The structure of RD
        • 4.2.2.2 The structure of RD
        • 4.2.2.3 Structural properties shared across RD– and RD
    • 4.3 Right dislocation is located above TP
      • 4.3.1 Clitic doubling
      • 4.3.2 Relative order of marginalized and right-dislocated phrases
      • 4.3.3 Failure in licensing n-words and NPIs
      • 4.3.4 Binding
      • 4.3.5 Right roof violations
      • 4.3.6 Agreement loss in regional Italian
      • 4.3.7 Some apparent exceptions
    • 4.4 Right dislocation is movement-based
      • 4.4.1 NE-cliticization
      • 4.4.2 Absence of mandatory clitic doubling
      • 4.4.3 Reconstruction
      • 4.4.4 Wh-extraction
      • 4.4.5 Dislocation to higher clauses from tensed and untensed domains
      • 4.4.6 Inconclusive test
        • 4.4.6.1 Successive cyclicity
        • 4.4.6.2 Parasitic gaps
      • 4.4.7 Clitic-doubled RD+ is movement-based too
        • 4.4.7.1 Ne-cliticization
        • 4.4.7.2 Reconstruction
        • 4.4.7.3 Dislocation from tensed and untensed complements
        • 4.4.7.4 Wh-extraction from RD+ phrases
        • 4.4.7.5 Evidence from López (2009) and Villalba (2000)
      • 4.4.8 Summary
    • 4.5 Alternative analyses of right dislocation and related issues
      • 4.5.1 Clause-internal analyses
        • 4.5.1.1 Problematic aspects of clause-internal analyses
          • 4.5.1.1.1 NPI-licensing
          • 4.5.1.1.2 Interaction with clause-wide focus
          • 4.5.1.1.3 Reconstructions effects
        • 4.5.1.2 Cecchetto’s arguments against clause-external analyses
          • 4.5.1.2.1 Right-roof effects
          • 4.5.1.2.2 Proper binding
        • 4.5.1.3 Other potential issues from Villalba (2000) and López (2009)
          • 4.5.1.3.1 Condition C.
          • 4.5.1.3.2 Relativized minimality effects
          • 4.5.1.3.3 Pronominal binding by quantified phrases
          • 4.5.1.3.4 Interactions between CLLD and RD
      • 4.5.2 Clause-external analyses
        • 4.5.2.1 Potential issues from Frascarelli (2004)
    • 4.6 Crosslinguistic variation
      • 4.6.1 Variation in position
      • 4.6.2 Variation with respect to movement
      • 4.6.3 Summary
    • 4.7 Conclusion
  • 5: Contrastive focus and right dislocation
    • 5.1 Introduction
    • 5.2 The interaction between focalization in situ and right dislocation
      • 5.2.1 The status of higher-generated phrases following postverbal focus
      • 5.2.2 Scope asymmetries induced by right-dislocated indefinites
      • 5.2.3 Scope asymmetries caused by right-dislocated adverbs
      • 5.2.4 Order asymmetries caused by right-dislocated adverbs
      • 5.2.5 Wh-extraction
      • 5.2.6 Summary
    • 5.3 Focus evacuation: the role of right dislocation in left-peripheral foci
      • 5.3.1 Focus evacuation
      • 5.3.2 Variation in the position of evacuated foci
        • 5.3.2.1 Overgeneration in current cartographic analyses of focalization
      • 5.3.3 Focus evacuation and the licensing of negative phrases
        • 5.3.3.1 Focused negative phrases
        • 5.3.3.2 Unfocused negative phrases following evacuated foci
        • 5.3.3.3 The distribution of the neg-marker ‘non’
        • 5.3.3.4 Problems raised by NPI-licensing to analyses positing fixed focus projections
      • 5.3.4 The discourse status of constituents following evacuated left-peripheral foci
        • 5.3.4.1 Evidence for the right-dislocated status of post-focus phrases This section examines the above six properties
          • 5.3.4.1.1 Preposition dropping
          • 5.3.4.1.2 Epithet licensing
          • 5.3.4.1.3 Sensitivity to strong islands
          • 5.3.4.1.4 Contrastivity
          • 5.3.4.1.5 Absence of clitic doubling
          • 5.3.4.1.6 Availability of bare NPs Bare NPs
        • 5.3.4.2 Clitic-doubled post-focus phrases
        • 5.3.4.3 Free word order after evacuated focus
        • 5.3.4.4 Conclusion
      • 5.3.5 Existing analyses of post-focal phrases
        • 5.3.5.1 PF-phrases arenot focused—Benincà (2001) and Benincà and Poletto (2004)
        • 5.3.5.2 Word order and prosodic contour—Frascarelli and Hinterhölzl (2007)
        • 5.3.5.3 Contrastive and corrective foci—Bianchi (2012) and Bianchi and Bocci (2012)
      • 5.3.6 Parasitic gaps
      • 5.3.7 A brief note on Müller's principle of unambiguous domination
      • 5.3.8 Summary
    • 5.4 On the co-occurrence of focus and wh-phrases
      • 5.4.1 Wh-chain outside right-dislocated phrases
      • 5.4.2 Wh-chain across a right-dislocated phrase
      • 5.4.3 Wh-chain contained in a right-dislocated phrase
      • 5.4.4 Subordinate interrogative clauses
      • 5.4.5 An aside on the position of right dislocation
      • 5.4.6 Summary
    • 5.5 Conclusions
  • 6: The role of prosody
    • 6.1 Introduction
    • 6.2 General assumptions
    • 6.3 Prosody shaping the distribution of Italian focus
      • 6.3.1 Constraints
      • 6.3.2 Marginalization and raising of lower unfocused phrases
      • 6.3.3 Lack of movement when constituents share the same discourse status
      • 6.3.4 Interaction with other constraints
      • 6.3.5 Summary
    • 6.4 Two interesting issues
      • 6.4.1 Optionality
      • 6.4.2 Movement vs. flexible base-generation
    • 6.5 Additional syntactic patterns determined by prosodic constraints
      • 6.5.1 Focused clauses
      • 6.5.2 Left-shift above unfocused constituents that contain a focus
      • 6.5.3 Left-shift outside VP
    • 6.6 Prosodic phrasing shaping the distribution of left-shift
      • 6.6.1 The relation between structure and movement
      • 6.6.2 The different prosodic phrasing of specifier and head structures
        • 6.6.2.1 The projection of pp-phrasing
      • 6.6.3 How prosodic phrasing constrains left-shift
        • 6.6.3.1 Specifier structures
        • 6.6.3.2 Head structures
      • 6.6.4 Post-focal quantified DPs
    • 6.7 Right dislocation and focus evacuation
      • 6.7.1 Constraints and assumptions
      • 6.7.2 Right dislocation of constituents not containing a focus
    • 6.8 Conclusions
  • Appendix A: Distribution and licensing of Italian N-words
    • 1: Main properties
    • 2: Licensing under c-command
  • Appendix B: Evidence for left wardright dislocation
  • Appendix C: Irrelevance of pp-phrasing for the analysis of marginalization and left-shift
  • References
  • Index
  • Series Page
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